Proposal preview

The Economic Policies of Military and Naval Resource Mobilization: Imperial Spain and the Wider Atlantic World in the Long Eighteenth Century

The subject of this panel is the relationship between the material demands of warfare and the political and administrative development of the Spanish Imperial system during the long eighteenth century, a period in which the growing networks of globalized trade intensified international competition on both sides of the Atlantic. Its purpose is to gather different perspectives on the methods employed by the Spanish monarchy to mobilize resources for war, emphasizing their international, imperial, and inter-regional connections. These methods implied specific types of involvement between the crown and the regional productive elites, and were directly related to the capacity of the latter to mobilize resources and administer production processes. They were varied, ranging from total state administration of capital, labor and productive processes, to an almost complete and relatively independent involvement of the empire’s entrepreneurial elites, in Europe, America and Asia. Most of these methods were extremely complex, and required not only a high degree of interaction between the administrative infrastructure of the State and regional private initiative, but also an effective capacity for social mobilization based on political consensus and ideological support for the policies followed by the crown, especially at the international level. Moreover, they also frequently required access to international markets, directly linking the military and naval efforts of the Spanish monarchy to increasingly globalized trade networks. These lines of inquiry will allows us to understand the administrative development of the Spanish State from the perspective of specific industries involved in the provisioning of the empire’s defensive system as a whole, including the army, navy, fortifications and their supporting infrastructure. This implies to understand the degree in which different social actors participated in the modernizing policies of the crown, in a series of processes stimulated by an increasing military and naval competition by other imperial powers. Papers will be encouraged to explore the connections between different regions, social actors and administrative policies, in the wider context of imperial reform. In the same manner, the international political, economic and military context in which these policies were implemented -particularly, the changing relationship with Great Britain and France- will be emphasized.
The chronological framework proposed for this panel seeks to encompass a broad spectrum of political, economic and social changes that directly affected the Spanish crown’s capacity to respond to international military and naval challenges. In this sense, papers will be encouraged to explore the continuity of these processes into the late seventeenth and early nineteenth centuries, thus conveying the notion of a “long eighteenth century” defined by the growing capacity of the Spanish State to intervene strategic industries and sources of wealth, as well as to generate social support for their effective projection into the empire’s defensive system. The study of the administrative and financial policies followed in the Spanish empire might benefit from this broader chronological framework, taking into account the transition from the relatively de-centralised Habsburg system, to the progressively more centralised, bureaucratic and militaristic Bourbon paradigm. Long-term comparative perspectives might provide useful tools to understand the relationship between the economic demands of warfare and the institutional mechanisms devised by the Spanish state in order to wage it. Structural comparisons between the administrative policies of the Spanish Habsburg and Bourbon dynasties, from the perspective of specific industries or sources of wealth, will be encouraged. Finally, papers will also be encouraged to explore the connections between the economic policies devised by both Spanish dynasties and the evolution of the British and French imperial systems.

Organizer(s)

  • Sergio Solbes Ferri Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria sergio.solbes@ulpgc.es Spain
  • Iván Valdez-Bubnov Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México ivanvaldezbubnov@yahoo.com Mexico

Session members

  • Johanna Von Grafenstein, Instituto Mora
  • Yovana Celaya Nández, Universidad Veracruzana
  • Vera Moya Sordo, Ludwing-Maximilians-Universität München
  • Ivan Valdez-Bubnov, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México
  • Carlos Conover Blancas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México
  • Eder Gallegos, Universidad de Sevilla
  • Rafal Reichert, Universidad de Ciencias y Artes de Chiapas, UNICACH
  • Rafael Torres Sánchez, Universidad de Navarra
  • Agustín González Enciso, Universidad de Navarra
  • María Baudot Monroy, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia
  • Antonio Rodríguez Hernández, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia
  • Manuel Díaz-Ordónez, Universidad de Sevilla
  • Sergio Solbes Ferri, Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria
  • Anne Dubet, Université Clermont Auvergne
  • Pepjin Brandon, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
  • Jorge Ortíz Sotelo, Instituto Riva Agüero
  • Joël Félix, University of Reading
  • Eduard Martí Fraga, Universidad Internacional de Cataluña
  • Germán Santana Pérez, Univesidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria
  • José Manuel Serrano Álvarez, Universidad de Antioquia

Discussant(s)

  • Ivan Valdez-Bubnov Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (Mexico) ivanvaldezbubnov@yahoo.com
  • Sergio Solbes Ferri Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (Spain) sergio.solbes@ulgpc.es
  • Pepijn Brandon Universiteit Amsterdam pepijn.brandon@iisg.nl

Papers

Panel abstract

The subject of this panel is the relationship between the material demands of warfare and the political and administrative development of the Spanish Imperial system during the long eighteenth century. Its purpose is to gather different perspectives on the methods employed by the Spanish monarchy to mobilize resources for war, emphasizing their international, imperial, and inter-regional connections. These methods implied specific types of involvement between the crown and the regional productive elites, and were directly related to the capacity of the latter to mobilize resources and administer production processes.

1st half

Between the Walix and the Miskito Coast The Spanish Control of the Gulf of Honduras, 1786-1796

Carlos Conover Blancas

The purpose of this essay is to understand the strategy of the Spanish Empire in the Gulf of Honduras between the years 1783 to 1796, after the struggle for the control of this area with the British Empire from the middle of the XVII century onwards. The Spanish Empire asserted its rights over this Caribbean region after its victories during the American War of Independence. This geopolitical objective was the cause of a considerable mobilization of resources in as much of direct administration as for the implementation of the Spanish asiento. Settler from Asturias, Galicia and the Canary Islands were transported to the Honduran port of Trujillo. The kingdom of Guatemala sent veteran troops and militia to occupy the strategic ports of its jurisdiction. The naval department at Habana detached lesser ships to this Central American coast. Diverse agents from Guatemala and New Granada drew the zambo-miskitos to the Spanish...

The purpose of this essay is to understand the strategy of the Spanish Empire in the Gulf of Honduras between the years 1783 to 1796, after the struggle for the control of this area with the British Empire from the middle of the XVII century onwards. The Spanish Empire asserted its rights over this Caribbean region after its victories during the American War of Independence. This geopolitical objective was the cause of a considerable mobilization of resources in as much of direct administration as for the implementation of the Spanish asiento. Settler from Asturias, Galicia and the Canary Islands were transported to the Honduran port of Trujillo. The kingdom of Guatemala sent veteran troops and militia to occupy the strategic ports of its jurisdiction. The naval department at Habana detached lesser ships to this Central American coast. Diverse agents from Guatemala and New Granada drew the zambo-miskitos to the Spanish sphere of influence. The zambo-miskitos were a mix people of afro-indian origin allied to the British since the XVII century. From the Spanish fort of San Felipe Bacalar, in the province of Yucatán, the Spaniards kept watch over the British who by treaty obligation were concentrated between the Sibun and the Hondo rivers, which territory was kwon as the Walix. Finally, the central government of New Spain provided financial resources through Habana for the maintenance of troops and colonizers. All these actions made possible the up keep of Spanish sovereignty over the Gulf of Honduras during the Napoleonic Wars and the War of Independence in Spanish America.

Imperial Resource, Mobilization and Labor in the Royal Arsenals of Veracruz

Eder Gallegos

This investigation is placed between the fears of invasion to New Spain generated after the British assault of Havana in 1762 until the arrival to Veracruz of the viceroy Miguel José de Azanza in 1798. It details how due to the strategic position of the port of Veracruz, this locality was priority in the application of the so-called "militarization of Spanish illustration" to be an axis of Naval Power. This is done by transferring the artillery composting company from private “Asentistas” to professional military personnel. It shows the need for an adequate supply chain of raw materials, as well as the daily life of the labor regimes that coexisted inside strategic buildings known as "Maestranzas" where the cannons were built for the fortresses and ships. Different types of work developed between its walls (from being called “peones” they become “obreros” together with “operarios”) and there lies the break between the...

This investigation is placed between the fears of invasion to New Spain generated after the British assault of Havana in 1762 until the arrival to Veracruz of the viceroy Miguel José de Azanza in 1798. It details how due to the strategic position of the port of Veracruz, this locality was priority in the application of the so-called "militarization of Spanish illustration" to be an axis of Naval Power. This is done by transferring the artillery composting company from private “Asentistas” to professional military personnel. It shows the need for an adequate supply chain of raw materials, as well as the daily life of the labor regimes that coexisted inside strategic buildings known as "Maestranzas" where the cannons were built for the fortresses and ships. Different types of work developed between its walls (from being called “peones” they become “obreros” together with “operarios”) and there lies the break between the work not qualified in “Ancien Régime” and tentatively proto-industrial activities. The workers, extracted from different social stratification, were actors of the first order and their work was key for the State because they depended on the naval defense of the economic system and the survival of the New Spain regime. Finally, there are indications of mutations in labor regimes between the compulsory and salaried model, mechanisms of attachment, militarized discipline of artisans and socio-racial composition.

Enriquecidos gracias a la Corona. Asentistas militares y artesanos durante los primeros años del gobierno de Felipe V (1715-1725)

Eduard Martí

Es conocido que los primeros años de gobierno de Felipe V se caracterizaron por la ausencia de un reconocimiento del nuevo mapa Europeo dibujado en los tratados de Utrecht. Este hecho llevó al monarca borbón a emprender una política militar agresiva que se manifestó en las expediciones de Cerdeña y Sicilia así como el enfrentamiento con la cuádruple alianza. Solo con el Tratado de Viena en 1725 parece que empezó para la corona Española un periodo de cierta estabilidad militar. Entre 1714 y 1720 el gasto en el ejército y la marina suponía el 78% del presupuesto de hacienda, y es a partir de 1717 cuando, bajo la dirección de Patiño, se aborda una profunda transformación de la armada española. La historiografía tradicional ha tendido a centrar su atención en los grandes asentistas de esos años, Juan Goyeneche, el marqués de Valdeolmos, Julián Prieto de Aedo, José García Asarta, Francisco...

Es conocido que los primeros años de gobierno de Felipe V se caracterizaron por la ausencia de un reconocimiento del nuevo mapa Europeo dibujado en los tratados de Utrecht. Este hecho llevó al monarca borbón a emprender una política militar agresiva que se manifestó en las expediciones de Cerdeña y Sicilia así como el enfrentamiento con la cuádruple alianza. Solo con el Tratado de Viena en 1725 parece que empezó para la corona Española un periodo de cierta estabilidad militar. Entre 1714 y 1720 el gasto en el ejército y la marina suponía el 78% del presupuesto de hacienda, y es a partir de 1717 cuando, bajo la dirección de Patiño, se aborda una profunda transformación de la armada española. La historiografía tradicional ha tendido a centrar su atención en los grandes asentistas de esos años, Juan Goyeneche, el marqués de Valdeolmos, Julián Prieto de Aedo, José García Asarta, Francisco Aldecoa, etc. ¿Fueron ellos los únicos enriquecidos fruto de la necesidad de abastecer a las tropas? ¿Cómo movilizó la Corona los recursos militares? ¿Hubo una auténtica planificación que permitiera llevar a cabo estos planes expansionistas? A estas preguntas intenta dar respuesta el trabajo que presentamos

Projects and construction of the African Spanish Navy in the 18th century

German Santana-Pérez

The presence in Africa of Spanish interests was always present in the Early Modern Period. During the first half of the 18th century they were questioned by the British Asiento in the hand of the South See Company. However, this presence did not annul Spanish interests in the area. In the second half of the eighteenth century, Spanish intervention would increase. In this research we analyze the different projects that existed for the build of a Spanish fleet that would protect Spanish interests in sub-Saharan Africa. These projects suggested that these armies could be permanent or temporary and had remarkable precedents in previous centuries. These possibilities materialized with the first occupation of Equatorial Guinea and with the slave and war interests of the Spaniards in the Atlantic. In this work we will analyze the accounts of many of these projects, the costs involved in this manufacture and the maintenance of...

The presence in Africa of Spanish interests was always present in the Early Modern Period. During the first half of the 18th century they were questioned by the British Asiento in the hand of the South See Company. However, this presence did not annul Spanish interests in the area. In the second half of the eighteenth century, Spanish intervention would increase. In this research we analyze the different projects that existed for the build of a Spanish fleet that would protect Spanish interests in sub-Saharan Africa. These projects suggested that these armies could be permanent or temporary and had remarkable precedents in previous centuries. These possibilities materialized with the first occupation of Equatorial Guinea and with the slave and war interests of the Spaniards in the Atlantic. In this work we will analyze the accounts of many of these projects, the costs involved in this manufacture and the maintenance of the same. These proposals are very detailed as to the number of ships, the artillery they had to use, the number of crew, the course, the cost of buying ships and supplies, ports, etc. The corsair interests, the successive wars and the hide and military power of Spain conditioned the realization of these ideas.

Supply of iron arms, ammunitions and ironworks for the Spanish Royal Navy in the eighteenth century

Agustín González-Enciso

The Spanish Royal Navy during the eighteenth century had a logical need for different supplies, including ironworks at large. The Navy administrators faced this problem turning to different type of contractors, whether manufacturers, merchants or business men. A first set of questions addressed in this paper relates to the contractors: we will to try to identify who these people were, and what kind of enterprise was supporting their business. Also we will try to see if the growing size of the Navy, and the subsequent growing of its needs, had any incidence in the type of contractor involved in these supplies, or in the way Navy administrators made their procurements. A second set of questions relates to the market were contractors bought their products, whether there were Spanish products or there were obtained in international markets. Looking at all these problems, we will try to asses the scope of Spanish...

The Spanish Royal Navy during the eighteenth century had a logical need for different supplies, including ironworks at large. The Navy administrators faced this problem turning to different type of contractors, whether manufacturers, merchants or business men. A first set of questions addressed in this paper relates to the contractors: we will to try to identify who these people were, and what kind of enterprise was supporting their business. Also we will try to see if the growing size of the Navy, and the subsequent growing of its needs, had any incidence in the type of contractor involved in these supplies, or in the way Navy administrators made their procurements. A second set of questions relates to the market were contractors bought their products, whether there were Spanish products or there were obtained in international markets. Looking at all these problems, we will try to asses the scope of Spanish mercantilism in a field as important as the supplying of the Navy.

Flour and food supplies for Spanish Caribbean military strongholds during the eighteenth century

Johanna von Grafestein

The regular provision of flour and its processed products, as well as other food supplies for the military and naval forces stationed at the principal ports and strongholds of Spanish possessions in the “Wider Caribbean” –islands and certain continental coastal regions- not only was a matter of mobilization of resources by the Bourbon State, but also involved private interests of regional elites in the viceroyalty of New Spain, specially of the provinces of Puebla and Veracruz, and from the fifth decade of the eighteenth century on, also from the Thirteen Colonies and later of the Atlantic region of the recently independent United States of America. The paper proposes a long term study of the productive and commercial aspects, their organization and control by the State, as well as the application of diverse “methods” and the confrontation of different groups of interests in an international perspective.

The regular provision of flour and its processed products, as well as other food supplies for the military and naval forces stationed at the principal ports and strongholds of Spanish possessions in the “Wider Caribbean” –islands and certain continental coastal regions- not only was a matter of mobilization of resources by the Bourbon State, but also involved private interests of regional elites in the viceroyalty of New Spain, specially of the provinces of Puebla and Veracruz, and from the fifth decade of the eighteenth century on, also from the Thirteen Colonies and later of the Atlantic region of the recently independent United States of America. The paper proposes a long term study of the productive and commercial aspects, their organization and control by the State, as well as the application of diverse “methods” and the confrontation of different groups of interests in an international perspective.

The War of the Spanish Succession and the problems of accessing Spanish silver

Joël Felix

To a large extent, the War of the Spanish Succession was about access by European merchants to the Spanish colonies in general and its silver production in particular. Paradoxically, French penetration of the South Seas and returns of piasters was made more difficult after Louis XIV’s accepted the Spanish succession on behalf of his grandson, Philip V. This paper will examine the conflicts that opposed France and Spain on colonial trade and show how military defeats in Europe led to agreements about America.

To a large extent, the War of the Spanish Succession was about access by European merchants to the Spanish colonies in general and its silver production in particular. Paradoxically, French penetration of the South Seas and returns of piasters was made more difficult after Louis XIV’s accepted the Spanish succession on behalf of his grandson, Philip V. This paper will examine the conflicts that opposed France and Spain on colonial trade and show how military defeats in Europe led to agreements about America.

Ejército vs Armada. La lucha por los recursos en el ámbito circuncaribe durante el siglo XVIII

José Manuel Serrano-Sánchez

No es ningún secreto que el plan de reformas borbónicas, tanto en la península como en América, estaba directamente relacionado con la administración militar, con mucho el apartado más costoso del gasto público en el siglo XVIII. Tampoco lo es que nada podía hacerse sin ingentes recursos materiales y financieros. Sin embargo, poco se ha ahondado en la pugna de intereses entre la tradición militar terrestre de la Monarquía española (los famosos Tercios y sus continuadores naturales) y la renacida Armada en el siglo más reformista de la Edad Moderna. Cuando se puso en marcha el proyecto para reconstruir el horadado Imperio español en Utrecht, los recursos materiales y financieros americanos representaban un factor clave del éxito. La historiografía, empero, ha destacado o a la Armada o al Ejército, ambos profundamente modificados a lo largo del siglo, pero sin aparente conexión. Este trabajo pretende analizar las relaciones entre ambos componentes...

No es ningún secreto que el plan de reformas borbónicas, tanto en la península como en América, estaba directamente relacionado con la administración militar, con mucho el apartado más costoso del gasto público en el siglo XVIII. Tampoco lo es que nada podía hacerse sin ingentes recursos materiales y financieros. Sin embargo, poco se ha ahondado en la pugna de intereses entre la tradición militar terrestre de la Monarquía española (los famosos Tercios y sus continuadores naturales) y la renacida Armada en el siglo más reformista de la Edad Moderna. Cuando se puso en marcha el proyecto para reconstruir el horadado Imperio español en Utrecht, los recursos materiales y financieros americanos representaban un factor clave del éxito. La historiografía, empero, ha destacado o a la Armada o al Ejército, ambos profundamente modificados a lo largo del siglo, pero sin aparente conexión. Este trabajo pretende analizar las relaciones entre ambos componentes militares de la Monarquía española, y justo en el área de más significación: el circuncaribe. Y lo busca visualizando las luchas por los necesarios recursos que, naturalmente, tenían limitación. Porque a pesar de la tradición del ejército terrestre español, pareció que en el siglo XVIII la Armada obtuvo ciertas prerrogativas y prioridades. Cuando las reformas militares (escalonadamente) se trasladaron a América, surgió un inevitable conflicto (a veces silencioso) entre los militares de mar y tierra, y entre las instituciones e instrumentos que los controlaban. Entre otras cuestiones, vamos a responder a las siguientes: ¿cómo estaban repartidos los recursos materiales entre ambas instituciones? ¿hubo prioridades políticas? ¿los recursos financieros quedaron articulados para mantener a ambos grupos en situación favorable desde el punto de vista militar? ¿se articularon redes de poder que representaran intereses de unos y otros?

Spanish and English Empires over cannabis yarns. Different policies, but the same results

Manuel Díaz-Ordóñez; Antonio J. Rodríguez Hernández

Since the sixteenth Century, the maritime empires of Spain and England faced a logistical major problem to supply their merchant and military fleets with materials made of hemp. This difficulty increased as both empires were incorporating into their possessions the new American territories because of the impact that this expansion had on the increase in the number of vessels needed to keep the parts of a whole integrated. In the American biota, hemp did not exist, so both governments had to undertake different projects of migration and promotion of this crop in America. The purpose of this contribution will focus on, from a comparative methodology, analyze the measures implemented to achieve the objective of sufficiency of a strategic commodity such as hemp.

Since the sixteenth Century, the maritime empires of Spain and England faced a logistical major problem to supply their merchant and military fleets with materials made of hemp. This difficulty increased as both empires were incorporating into their possessions the new American territories because of the impact that this expansion had on the increase in the number of vessels needed to keep the parts of a whole integrated. In the American biota, hemp did not exist, so both governments had to undertake different projects of migration and promotion of this crop in America. The purpose of this contribution will focus on, from a comparative methodology, analyze the measures implemented to achieve the objective of sufficiency of a strategic commodity such as hemp.

Direct supplies of timbers from the southern Baltic region for the Spanish Naval Departments

Rafal Reichert

During the eighteenth century the European political scene was dominated by the imperialist competition among Great Britain, France and Spain, which took a new course due to the greater development of Royal Navies. This rivalry for the dominion over the World influenced and stimulated the technological, economic and military progress, but, at the same time, this phenomena provoked a high demand of natural resources (precious metals and raw materials, especially timber) to maintain the operational needs of Royal Navies. The purpose of this paper is to show the importance of forest resources coming from the Southern Baltic (today the territories of German, Poland, Russia, and Lithuania) whose abundant forests were the principal source of wood, pitch, hemp, flax, and tar, that is, basic products used for building vessels and for keeping them in operation. With this, through the toll registers of the Sund Strait (Denmark) and archive information from Poland...

During the eighteenth century the European political scene was dominated by the imperialist competition among Great Britain, France and Spain, which took a new course due to the greater development of Royal Navies. This rivalry for the dominion over the World influenced and stimulated the technological, economic and military progress, but, at the same time, this phenomena provoked a high demand of natural resources (precious metals and raw materials, especially timber) to maintain the operational needs of Royal Navies. The purpose of this paper is to show the importance of forest resources coming from the Southern Baltic (today the territories of German, Poland, Russia, and Lithuania) whose abundant forests were the principal source of wood, pitch, hemp, flax, and tar, that is, basic products used for building vessels and for keeping them in operation. With this, through the toll registers of the Sund Strait (Denmark) and archive information from Poland and Spain, I am intended to analyze and interpret the evidence of wood supplies from the South Baltic region which received Spanish naval departments during the governments of Julián de Arriaga (1754-1776), Pedro González Castejón (1776-1783) y Antonio Valdés (1784-1795) in order to demonstrate the importance of the forest resources that were used to develop of Spanish naval power during the second half of the 18th century.

2nd half

La gestión del presupuesto de la Armada en una etapa de restricción del gasto público, 1754-1759

María Baudot-Monroy

The fall of the Marquis de la Ensenada, ministry of Finance, Defense, Spanish Navy and the Indies in 1754 was not only a drastic political change during Ferdinand VIth reign (1746-1759), but also an economical change. It turned from an expansive policy with the public expenditure to rearm the Spanish Navy, which had generated a huge debt, to a limited budget which reduced drastically the inversion in the Spanish Navy. We will see how the estimated funds of the S.N. was reduced by 30%. to be able to reduce some of the immense debt and also see how the new Ministers of the Spanish Navy, Julian de Arriaga y Rivera, managed to reduce and balance costs without loosing efficiency. Finally we will have a look at the defensive measures and how effective they were in relation with the Spanish Navy performed by Arriaga before the outbreak of the War of...

The fall of the Marquis de la Ensenada, ministry of Finance, Defense, Spanish Navy and the Indies in 1754 was not only a drastic political change during Ferdinand VIth reign (1746-1759), but also an economical change. It turned from an expansive policy with the public expenditure to rearm the Spanish Navy, which had generated a huge debt, to a limited budget which reduced drastically the inversion in the Spanish Navy. We will see how the estimated funds of the S.N. was reduced by 30%. to be able to reduce some of the immense debt and also see how the new Ministers of the Spanish Navy, Julian de Arriaga y Rivera, managed to reduce and balance costs without loosing efficiency. Finally we will have a look at the defensive measures and how effective they were in relation with the Spanish Navy performed by Arriaga before the outbreak of the War of the Seven Years (1756-1763).

Prize Money in the Naval Strategy of the Spanish Empire during the Eighteenth Century

Vera Moya-Sordo

The main objective of this project is to understand the regulation and practice of the maritime prize system in the eighteenth-century Spanish navy, basically through privateering. An analysis of some of the main State projects of the period related to the "letter of marque", their purpose, organization and administrative structure will allow us to comprehend its varying impact on the naval strategy of the maritime Empire during times of both peace and war. The following research questions will be posed: To what extent was the prize money system an operative mechanism to obtain resources, goods and money? To what extent did it contribute to the maritime policies of the Spanish Empire? A comparative perspective with British and French systems will also permit an explanation of its significance to the main States involved in the global naval warfare of the time. As there are no studies entirely dedicated to the Spanish...

The main objective of this project is to understand the regulation and practice of the maritime prize system in the eighteenth-century Spanish navy, basically through privateering. An analysis of some of the main State projects of the period related to the "letter of marque", their purpose, organization and administrative structure will allow us to comprehend its varying impact on the naval strategy of the maritime Empire during times of both peace and war. The following research questions will be posed: To what extent was the prize money system an operative mechanism to obtain resources, goods and money? To what extent did it contribute to the maritime policies of the Spanish Empire? A comparative perspective with British and French systems will also permit an explanation of its significance to the main States involved in the global naval warfare of the time. As there are no studies entirely dedicated to the Spanish naval prize system of the period, much less in comparative terms, it continues to be a vast field for new historical approaches. It is indeed vital for the understanding of its importance as a common and effective method for the navy, developed according to the state-specific needs, resources and policies. Therefore, the present project is original in the way in which it deals with a subject that is known, but not extensively studied in historiography. A comparative view of the rival systems legislation will also offer a significant advance in the comprehension of global naval military strategy and a new contribution to the knowledge of European warfare during the eighteenth century.

The Construction of the Spanish Pacific Galleons. The Transfer of European Shipbuilders from Europe and America to Asia. XVIIth and XVIII Centuries

Iván Valdez-Bubnov

The Spanish monarchy explored the Atlantic and colonised America as a result of a quest to reach the spice islands and the developed economies of the far East. Between 1571 and 1815, a regular trade route operated between Acapulco and Manila, linking different economies of Europe, America and Asia. This was made possible by the development of a complex shipbuilding industry on the Philippines, partially financed by American silver and undertaken by entrepreneurs with strong links to the merchants of Mexico city. It as based on the employment local indigenous labour, Chinese and Japanese iron products, and European technical knowledge. This paper focuses on the administrative methods devised by the Spanish authorities in order to undertake to complex processes of building some of the largest ships of the Age of Sail.

The Spanish monarchy explored the Atlantic and colonised America as a result of a quest to reach the spice islands and the developed economies of the far East. Between 1571 and 1815, a regular trade route operated between Acapulco and Manila, linking different economies of Europe, America and Asia. This was made possible by the development of a complex shipbuilding industry on the Philippines, partially financed by American silver and undertaken by entrepreneurs with strong links to the merchants of Mexico city. It as based on the employment local indigenous labour, Chinese and Japanese iron products, and European technical knowledge. This paper focuses on the administrative methods devised by the Spanish authorities in order to undertake to complex processes of building some of the largest ships of the Age of Sail.

Formation and Managemente of Principal Monopolies for the provisión of military wardrobe in 18th century Spain

Sergio Solbes-Ferri

We know, through recent research, that during the reigns of Carlos III and Carlos IV the provision of the Spanish Army and Navy was adopting forms of management increasingly concentrated. This would lead to the formation of important monopolies or oligopolies responsible for the supply of the various military resources for which the State normally resorted to the national market. This is what happens with food provision, weapons, artillery and also wardrobe for the different classes of soldiers and officers. These monopolies initially fell into private hands, but the same concentration that they were fostering, was going to end up allowing other semi-public organizations could finally do this function by themselves: that was happen with the Five Major Guilds of Madrid and also with the Bank of San Carlos.

We know, through recent research, that during the reigns of Carlos III and Carlos IV the provision of the Spanish Army and Navy was adopting forms of management increasingly concentrated. This would lead to the formation of important monopolies or oligopolies responsible for the supply of the various military resources for which the State normally resorted to the national market. This is what happens with food provision, weapons, artillery and also wardrobe for the different classes of soldiers and officers. These monopolies initially fell into private hands, but the same concentration that they were fostering, was going to end up allowing other semi-public organizations could finally do this function by themselves: that was happen with the Five Major Guilds of Madrid and also with the Bank of San Carlos.

Mobilizing Resources for New Spain's Frontier Fortifications. The International Networks of San Agustín de la Florida

Yovanna Celaya-Nandez

The control of military spending in the Spanish monarchy in the first half of the eighteenth century. A political question

Anne Dubet

The important growth in the level of military spending and, above all, the fact that a significant part of this expenditure is made from now on in the Iberian Peninsula does not only lead the rulers to try to raise their resources. The most significant reforms of the administration of the Royal Treasury seek to place the "distribution of the funds" in the hands of the monarch or his ministers of trust and to ensure that the execution of spending effectively reflects their decisions. Now, if the objective seems relatively consensual, there is no agreement on the means among the reformers who influence the decisions of Philip V. The question is political before being technical. I will study the successive stages of the changes, reviewing the idea of a single Bourbon reformism in this matter and a simple cumulative process.

The important growth in the level of military spending and, above all, the fact that a significant part of this expenditure is made from now on in the Iberian Peninsula does not only lead the rulers to try to raise their resources. The most significant reforms of the administration of the Royal Treasury seek to place the "distribution of the funds" in the hands of the monarch or his ministers of trust and to ensure that the execution of spending effectively reflects their decisions. Now, if the objective seems relatively consensual, there is no agreement on the means among the reformers who influence the decisions of Philip V. The question is political before being technical. I will study the successive stages of the changes, reviewing the idea of a single Bourbon reformism in this matter and a simple cumulative process.

Negotiations with the Armada. Military supplies and entrepreneurs in Spanish's 18th century empire

Rafael Torres-Sánchez

During the eighteenth century the Spanish navy (Armada) once more became a mighty force, the third biggest fleet after France and Great Britain and even outstripping France by the beginning of the 1790s. This significant military growth has traditionally been put down to the Bourbon’s new-broom policy. According to this argument this new dynasty did away with the decadence of the last Hapsburgs on the strength of sweeping administrative reforms and a new, more interventionist and centralizing ideology. The navy undoubtedly could only have been built up by a strong state like the Bourbons but a more complex and nuanced picture is now coming into view. Of the 110 ships-of-the-line added to the navy in the first half of the century only 10 were built directly by the state; the rest were built under private contracts by means of asentistas. Together with the state there would seem to have been...

During the eighteenth century the Spanish navy (Armada) once more became a mighty force, the third biggest fleet after France and Great Britain and even outstripping France by the beginning of the 1790s. This significant military growth has traditionally been put down to the Bourbon’s new-broom policy. According to this argument this new dynasty did away with the decadence of the last Hapsburgs on the strength of sweeping administrative reforms and a new, more interventionist and centralizing ideology. The navy undoubtedly could only have been built up by a strong state like the Bourbons but a more complex and nuanced picture is now coming into view. Of the 110 ships-of-the-line added to the navy in the first half of the century only 10 were built directly by the state; the rest were built under private contracts by means of asentistas. Together with the state there would seem to have been a whole world of entrepreneurs who also participated in the navy reconstruction process. This new, more complex picture in fact obtained in all states in Europe and worldwide at that time. No state, indeed, was capable of directly and single-handedly supplying itself with all the military wherewithal it needed. The truth is any state was in fact bound to turn to entrepreneurs or middle men for many reasons: either because there was a huge demand for some of these products, because of the urgency involved or the limited access to certain production markets. The moot point now becomes how the state managed to knit the private intermediaries into its overall supply policy, sometimes favouring them, sometimes rejecting them, and, at the same time, why the entrepreneurs were ready to take part in this business, whether spurred on by money alone or by other incentives too.

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